Letter from Seoul:Mediact

Thanks to many people's support..... Mr. Hee-moon Cho, the chairperson of KOFIC has been recently fired by Ministry of Culture, Sports and Toursim. (as of Nov. 8, 2010) He was absolutely responsible for all the problems and regressions that KOFIC has caused during last 1 year. So this dismissal surely means a victory when seen from the film/media movement's perspective but we need to see who will be the next person to take charge after him.  And moreover, KOFIC's 2011 budget plan contains many serious problems including total budget cutting of film production support for independent films and art films. MCST/KOFIC is also planning to run the media center and independent film theaters for themselves based on the low performance of these facitilies this year. This means a regression in terms of autonomous governance model of these public facilities, which used to be run by civil society so far.  And KOFIC doesn't seem to have enough capability of running these public media facilities well, either. So judging from KOFIC's current budget plan, it seems that 2011 will be another tough year.

2.
Mediact is doing their best to survive and keep a hopeful spirit. Now we are trying to be more systematic in building a more sustainable operating structure and expanding our supporters and fundraising/revenue sources. For example, we are trying to get the status of "preliminary social enterprise" so that we can get fund from the Seoul City government. We are also contacting Mapogu local government if they can fund our activities, too. Of course, these are done with the perspective of advocating and strengthening public media policies and buidling networks with local civil organizations...

We are also keeping our eye on the 2011 budget of Korea Broadcasting and Communications Committee esp. regarding their participatory/citizen media related activities. Recently they have submitted 2011 budget plan which contains budget cutting of public access program by 40% from 2.5 million USD in 2010 to 1.5 million USD in 2011...

And besides working for winning public funds, we are also considering fundraising from the private sector such as enterprise sponsorships.We are considering over the implications and terms of these sponsorships...

We are also trying to expand our individual supporters. We have now reached 120 regular donors who submit a monthly payment. I hope you guys can spread the word and recommend your friends for possible monetary support for MediACT using fb MediACT 3.0 Cause page.
http://www.causes.com/causes/496849
http://www.mediact.org/web/etc/pop_sponform5.php

And celebrating our 200th day of survival since the re-opening in Sangam-dong, we are having a little event with our supporters on December 19th, 2010.  (Actually the exact date of 200th is Nov. 29 but we needed some time to prepare for the event because we wanted to involve our community members in the preparation stage.)  On this day, we will be holding a flea market and a screening of films made by Mediact students.

So these are some of the current news about Mediact and its struggle. Hope this was of interest to you and please forward the message to those who would be interested in.
best regards,
jihyun kim
Media policy and research dept.

MediACThttp://www.medioact.org/

What is Community Media?

Request for Assistance for Mediact in Korea

Lee Myung-bak's New Right government in S. Korea is taking disturbing steps to limit freedom of expression, shut down independent media, and defund media, arts, and cultural organizations across the country. The latest blow is an attack on public media center MediAct, which has played a key part in the democratization of Korea's media system since the end of the dictatorship, trained thousands of people in media production, and developed many successful media policy proposals to open up Korea's mediascape to diverse voices.

Please take action now to express international support for MediAct.
Background:
MediAct in Korea has long worked as a vital role to support alternative and independent film and video production, a critical citizens’ media monitoring movement, and an independent, democratic trade union movement since the late 1980s wave of democracy movement in Korea.

However, in the past two years, the mediascape and culture sector in South Korea has undergone some drastic changes under the Lee Myung-bak regime/New Right that has taken power as of 2008.

Now MediAct is facing the crisis of a shut down with the massive and politically motivated budget cutting by Korean government. Thus, we need international voices to condemn the Korean government's attack against the independent media environment in Korea.

1) Sign http://www.gopetition.com/online/33662.html
Media and democracy in South Korea: Save Mediact

2) For updates: Join ACT NOW to save MediAct & Independent Media in Korea! facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/home.php?#/group.php?gid=273091817582&ref=nf

3) Call KOFIC's Chairman Cho, Hee Moon 82-2-958-7521
or email: mentor21@kofic.or.kr
cc: snowmt@kofic.or.kr

More info:
Mediact website: http://www.mediact.org
English Intro:
http://tinyurl.com/ygtsoq5
Related Interviews:
http://tinyurl.com/yk36jrl

Innovative Korean Model for "New Newspaper"

"Unlike most traditional Korean newspapers, under the ownership of a family or business conglomerate, the Hankyoreh is owned by about 62,000 shareholders who joined the original drive for the paper's inception. "

http://www.hani.co.kr/english/editorials_intro.html

Among them were dozens of former journalists who had been ejected from their jobs due to their roles in promoting freedom of the press and democracy. Their long-cherished dream of beginning an independent newspaper came true through successful fundraising, which began shortly after popular uprising against the military dictatorship in 1987. The Hankyoreh was inaugurated on May 15, 1988.
The Hankyoreh is a progressive newspaper, decisively committed to journalistic freedom, democracy, peaceful coexistence and national reconciliation between South and North Korea, which were divided by external forces after World War II. The Hankyoreh is unrelenting but fair in coverage. It does not negate the philosophy of the free market economy, individual liberty and personal freedom. But it accepts that the more detrimental effects of an unbridled market economy should be regulated by various means.
Its distinct feature is its unique ownership. Unlike most traditional Korean newspapers, under the ownership of a family or business conglomerate, the Hankyoreh is owned by about 62,000 shareholders who joined the original drive for the paper's inception. They are from all walks of life in Korea, ranging from teachers to university students to housewives. Even though their backgrounds are different, they have one value in common: a desire for a genuinely independent newspaper and for full-fledged democracy in Korea.

'The Hankyoreh' is a miracle. It is a child of Korea's democratic movement in the 1980s. The propelling force of its establishment, journalists fighting the military dictatorship, often faced oppression. The passion seen from the public at the inauguration of the paper showed that the cause of press freedom was justified. When the first issue of the Hankyoreh rolled out of the press on May 15, 1988, a new chapter was opened in the history of Korean journalism. No more censorship. No more intrusion from outside powers. The Hankyoreh had pioneered fundamental change in Korean journalism.

The changes were substantial, even down to the stylistic level. The Hankyoreh was the first daily in Korea whose stories were written only in Hangeul, or the Korean alphabet, rather than a combination of Korean and Chinese characters. It was also the first modern newspaper in Korea that published stories written in horizontal rather than vertical script. Horizontal editing was well tuned to the young generations who were familiar with horizontal writing. All of the school textbooks were written in horizontal script. Vertical script was the legacy of outmoded Chinese culture in which most of Chinese books were edited vertically.

Liberal Korean readers found a fresh perspective in the Hankyoreh. Through its progressive editorial policy, the Hankyoreh has greatly broadened the intellectual horizon. In an era of corporations exercising massive influence over news media, The Hankyoreh's combination of public ownership and commitment to progressive values strengthens its independent editorial stance, devoid of the corporate allegiances and pressures that tend to rein in today's media.

The title of Hankyoreh carries with it the ideas of trust and fairness. Recognized as the most reliable and authoritative newspaper in Korea, the Hankyoreh's detailed stories have earned it a high reputation. In particular, the Hankyoreh enjoys great popularity among Korea's young generation, which is longing for fundamental changes in Korean society.

Hankyoreh further distinguishes itself from other traditional media through its particular emphasis on in-depth coverage of inter-Korean relations from a progressive perspective. Its inter-Korean reporting is recognized as unbiased and fair. Its reporting of inter-Korean and East Asian affairs is based on its editorial policy of seeking reconciliation, stability and peaceful co-prosperity.

The Hankyoreh's financially humble, popular beginnings are part of its legacy: its initial capital stood at 5 billion won, falling short of what most media experts considered the minimum necessary funding for a startup newspaper company. The Hankyoreh solved this issue by instituting a computerized editing system, which replaced the old type-mounted system. The new editing system reduced expense by 90 percent.

Eighteen years after its inception, the Hankyoreh is striving to transform itself into a leading comprehensive 'new media' corporation. The Hankyoreh's vision for the 21st century is based on its 'second stage growth plan.' The latest reorganization of the newsroom is part of this ambitious plan. The Hankyoreh is on the move.

A unique television channel under threat

The withdrawal of government funding threatens South Korea's innovative RTV, writes ELLIE RENNIE

PRESS and broadcasting institutions the world over are struggling to survive in the turbulent climate we call “media convergence.” So what’s the big deal about one new name on the endangered media list?

Unfortunately, the television channel under threat this time is South Korea’s RTV and it is a rare species as far as broadcasters go. The station provides access, funding and training to producers from all walks of life and strives to assist underrepresented communities. Until now, RTV and its programmers survived off money from satellite provider SkyLife and the Korean Communications Commission (KCC). The money from KCC will dry-up in a month’s time, leaving only the SkyLife funding (around 400 million Won), which is barely enough to cover transmission costs. Korean media activists, who fought long and hard to establish and maintain the channel, are now desperately looking for a means to keep RTV alive.

I first visited Seoul in autumn of 2007 to participate in RTV’s fifth birthday celebrations. Ellie Rennie and others at the 2007 celebration of RTV.
I was invited to speak about community media in my country, along with six other international alternative media pioneers and researchers (DeeDee Halleck, Supinya Klangnarong, Jon Stout, Katherin Araujo, Adilson Cabral, Kate Coyer and Gabi Hadl). At the massive banquet dinner we stood in front of towering wreathes of flowers and ribbons – gifts from various government departments and corporations. We listened to enthusiastic speeches as DeeDee went up on stage to cut a large jelly-like rice cake. It looked to us as though RTV had a bright future and wide support.

Public access television (also known as community television) is not an easy project to undertake. I have visited stations around the globe and seen only the occasional success amongst countless variations (there are over 2000 access channels in the United States alone). Before YouTube, public access television was the only systematic means for non-professionals to screen DIY videos. Today, the more successful access stations do more than YouTube, performing a curatorial role whilst still adhering to community governance principles. When the formula is right, a community television channel can be kaleidoscope of local culture, an industry training ground and an important tool for social movements. The Koreans were late starters in the community TV game. After a couple of shaky years, RTV did their research and consulted with communities and media centres at home and abroad. By the time it turned five, RTV had pretty much hit upon the perfect model.

Here’s how it works: RTV is a cable and satellite provided, non-profit organisation, committed to openness, independence and fairness. By “independence” they mean that the programming and operations of the station are free from political and economic interests. “Openness” describes the access policy, whereby members of the general public can submit programs for screening, free of charge. “Fairness,” however, is what distinguishes RTV from many other community television channels. To achieve this, RTV established two committees to oversee program planning, selection and grants. These committees are intentionally separate from station management and give priority to underprivileged and minority groups as well as issues not dealt with in the mainstream media. By providing funding, training and free equipment loans to programmers, RTV has nurtured small production groups committed to documenting the things that really matter. Regular shows include migrant and Korean workers’ news, disabled rights and media education. When I visited in 2007, RTV had a budget of 3.17 billion won ($A3 million), including 1.5 billion won ($A 1.6 million) in grants from the government’s Broadcasting Promotion Fund. Approximately 800 million won ($A900,000) went directly to programmers.

I learnt of RTV’s dramatic change of fortune at a symposium in Seoul this month, sponsored by the newly merged Broadcasting-Telecommunications Commission. Our host was Kim Myoung Joon, or “MJ” to his Western friends, director of the community media centre MediAct. MJ expects that RTV’s staff will try to keep the station running on volunteer time for a few months at least. As Korea has a compulsory redundancy policy, when staff officially leave then the station assets will need to be sold to cover their redundancy packages. In order to avoid that, station workers will probably live off welfare payments while they try to find alternative revenue sources.

So why was RTV’s government-derived budget terminated? South Korea elected a new president, Lee Myang-bak, in December 2007. The former CEO of Hyundai has been pursuing conservative, free-market policies since he came to power, including the controversial free trade agreement with the US and the importation of American beef. A publicly supported, community-run television channel doesn’t fit within President Lee’s national vision, apparently. Looking back at my photos from RTV’s fifth birthday a year ago, I now think of funeral wreaths when I see the towers of flowers in the banquet hall. Some of those gifts were delivered by the same corporations that support President Lee, or by government agencies that will administer the station’s demise. But it’s not over yet. RTV has that amazing Korean combination of activism and hard work on its side. And although RTV may be endangered, the Korean alternative media movement is growing stronger. •
by Ellie Rennie

Peoples' Production House Takes Part in Community Media Gathering in Seoul

Photo by Ellie Rennie
People's Production House attended an international seminar on community media in Seoul, Korea, December 17-18, 2008. The seminar, was organized by Korean community media centers Mediact and CAMF and sponsored by the Broadcasting-Telecommunication Commission.

“This is an honor for People's Production House and our innovative integration of participatory media production and media policy advocacy,” PPH Interim Executive Director Don Rojas said. “We are excited to discuss our local work in an international context and to learn from the other participants.”

Participants are traveling from Korea, the United States, Canada, Japan, United Kingdom, and Australia to discuss the role of community media and media activism in this time of media convergence. The other participants from the United States are Hye-Jung Park of the Funding Exchange, Joel Kelsey from Consumers Union, Louis Massiah from Scribe Video Center, and Sasha Costanza-Chock from the USC Annenberg School for Communication.For Korean participants, as for those from the US, this discussion takes place during a moment of great political transition, though the media activists in Korea are shifting to a less hospitable regime, while the incoming US President is more supportive of progressive media policies. MediAct emerged from the successful social movements in Korea that overthrew the military dictatorship. Over the years, it has provided fundamental infrastructure for participatory media democracy and secured government support for community radio, public access on cable and satellite, and local media centers.

MediAct is part of a National Media Activist Network in Korea responding to two overlapping challenges. First, the new President is pushing neoliberal reforms, including an assault on public media and restrictions on Korea's advanced broadband infrastructure. The second challenge is the fast process of media convergence. The speed of technological and industrial developments have created a situation where the traditional regulatory framework has become obsolete. Commercial interests are placing immense pressure on community media as a public activity.

People's Production House Co-Director Kat Aaron and Policy Director Joshua Breitbart will be presenting the organization's successful multimedia and media policy training program for youth and community media organizers. We will be looking to learn strategies for synthesizing various methods of media activism, integrating media production with social movements, and forming national alliances for promoting media policy reform. Together, all participants will also be discussing the challenges and opportunities for funding in this economic, political, and technological moment.

Koreans Protest Internet Policies

Korean Progressive Network Jinbonet, together with activists of Korea Human Rights Network, had a press conference this morning (June 20, 2008) at 11 am in the lobby of Grand Ballroom where stakeholder's forums were held, to criticize the ICT policy of Korean government and censure brutal violence of riot police. Though there was a restraint of security guard for a while, we could proceed a press conference successfully.

Byoung Il Oh, Jinbonet Journalist

There are forums of the OECD going on in Seoul. This is the press release which the activists have posted:
Internet powerhouse, Korea? Shame on its Internet policies!

OECD ministerial meeting on "the Future of the Internet Economy" will be held in Seoul, Korea from June 17th to 18th. The Korean government seems to use this meeting as an opportunity to show off its advances
of the Internet technology and promote "IT Korea global sales" by hosting the World IT Show and other similar events. However, no one would call a nation a 'leading country of the Internet' solely on its strong information technology base and IT industries. We hope this meeting would be a chance for the Korean government to recognize and feel embarrassed for its information and communication policies, including Internet policies, which violate many human-rights and is lagging behind.

Just a few months ago, an Internet auction site was hacked causing personal information of more than ten million people to be exposed, and one of the major ISPs, Hanaro-Telecom, intentionally abused its more than six million clients' personal information (the number of leaked records were more than eighty five millions). If public authority did their jobs in monitoring and overseeing these companies' behaviors in collecting and using personal information, damages from such instances could have been minimized. NGOs in Korea has argued for establishing an independent 'privacy supervisory authority' to oversee
such activities for many years. But the government's lack of will and the National Assembly's negligence cast a long shadow on the prospect of establishing such an authority to oversee privacy in the so-called 'Internet powerhouse'.... An administrative body of the government (Korea Communication Commission, which hosts the OECD meeting) can order deletion of expressions (articles, video files and so on) on the Internet which it decides is illegal without any judicial process. Moreover, the government tends to regulate critical expression toward the government on the Internet through various ways. Recently, as concerns and criticism over beef import negotiations between Korea and U.S. spread among citizens through the Internet, the Korean government stipulated the Internet as the origin of 'negative public opinion against the government'. A government official called an Internet portal site hosting one of the on-line communities to pressure them.

Furthermore, the Korean Communications Standards Commission, a deliberation authority, issued a recommendation that recommends 'purifying its languages and restraining exaggerated expressions' to an on-line community that is critical about the government.

One of the slogans of the conference is 'confidence'. However, information and communication policies in Korea has been pursuing 'control' instead of 'confidence'. We hope the OECD meeting to be an opportunity for Korean government to reflect on its policies and the government to listen to the voice of civil societies that have long been ignored.

June 16, 2008 Korean Progressive Network, Jinbonet

Laser Tagging

Korean demonstrators are using a form of laser graffitti that was developed at the Graffitti Research Lab.The translation of this is: "PRESIDENT LEE MYUNG-BAK IS FIRED" The translation of this is "STRUGGLE UNTIL THE DAY OF VICTORY!"

Korean Demonstrations Show Strength of Net (and Cartoon) Organizing

(There has been candlelight demonstration everyday for over one month, and today there will be biggest demonstration. 6 June, today is a historical day in Korea in remembrance of 6.10 struggle of 1987, when Korean people fought against the military dictatorship and win our democracy, eg direct election of President. Now Korean people are preparing 2nd historical 6.10 today.--Byoung-il Oh)
From Ohmynews:
A cartoon circulating online and published in the Internet newspaper Pressian captures the gulf between Korean citizens and netizens and the conservative government officials they are demonstrating against.

The cartoon shows a caricature of President Lee on a balcony above the protesters. Standing beside him is a mad cow. Lee is dressed in a police uniform and on his helmet is written 2MB. 2MB is the pejorative nickname netizens have given him. 2MB is both a pun on Lee's name (Lee in Korean sounds the same as the word for 2) and MB stands for Lee's initials and for the computer term megabytes. 2MB represents the limited mental capacity netizens attribute to Lee.In the cartoon an arrow from the word 3MB pointing to the mad cow indicates it has a mental capacity of 3MB. Lee is shown asking how the people protesting pay for their candles, repeating the rumor that the protesters are being influenced from behind the scenes by someone manipulating them. The people respond that they pay for their candles from their own money. That they are not being manipulated but are protesting voluntarily for reasons of their own. The mad cow tells Lee that he should use more intelligence when talking to the people.

The description accompanying the cartoon referred to the public sphere provided by the Internet where netizens discuss and argue over issues. Lee is presented in the description with the cartoon, as failing to understand the Internet and its process of collectively developed knowledge.

Instead, he relies on conservative news media like the newspaper Chosun Ilbo. In the past, conservative newspapers like Chosun Ilbo were able to instruct politicians in the actions they should take. This represented a source of political power for the conservative media.

With the Internet and the emergence of netizens, this old form of political activity is being challenged.

As the cartoon demonstrates, the issue of what is an appropriate model for democracy for South Korea is a hot topic among netizens. Koreans have a proud tradition of struggle against the former military dictatorship in South Korea.

The Internet makes the old forms of hierarchical governance structures less tenable. In their place, it is becoming possible to create horizontal structures where all netizens can discuss and contribute in an equal fashion. The old institutional forms, like Lee's government structures, rely on vertical forms that are hierarchical. But these hierarchical forms are no longer adequate for the needs of the modern era.

The netizen movement in South Korea has pioneered how to create new democratic structures using the Internet and the horizontal forms it makes possible. [3] Among the forms that are being explored are a media using the Internet to provide live TV coverage of the demonstrations, the posting of many videos and photos and continuous online discussion and debate. One of the online video sites is the OhmyTV site, where there is live 24 hour coverage of the demonstrations.

The candlelight demonstrations, along with extensive discussion among netizens online, represent recognition among citizens and netizens that there is a need to broaden the forms of democracy in South Korea. The determination that no politicians be allowed to take the country back to its recent authoritarian past, is driving a resurgence of netizen activism that has not only surprised Korean politicians but American government officials as well.

This resurgence of democratic activism in South Korea is setting an important example for how the Internet and netizens can help in the struggle for more democracy and against the neoliberal agenda. A 72-hour demonstration was held from June 5-7 and continued afterward. [5] Another demonstration is planned for Tuesday, June 10, to mark the 21st anniversary of the democratic uprising in South Korea that ended the military autocratic rule.
Several members of the on-line collective Jinbonetwere arrested and held for 48 hours (the maximum for police to hold people without trial.)

Korean Community Radio Suspended as English Service is Promoted

Community radio in Korea doesn't have a long history. The pilot project for community radio started in 2005. During the relatively short period of three years after the initiation, community radio has successfully encouraged locals to participate in the broadcasting, giving social minorities the opportunity to tell their own stories. However, in spite of this accomplishment, the regular project for community radio is not in practice yet. Originally, the regular project was supposed to start two years ago, but the government has been delaying it with the excuse of insufficient frequency range. In the pilot project, the allowed output of power for a sender is merely 1W(radio wave range of 500m ~ 1km in radius). It's hardly heard anywhere. The locals have constantly demanded bigger output, but the government has denied it, saying that would jam up the frequency.
However, what a surprise! The government, who has insisted there is not enough frequency range, suddenly decided to promote the English FM for foreign residents in the country. It will have the output of staggering 1 kw, which is 1,000 times bigger than what is allowed for community radio. Moreover, They are trying to make 4 of them at the same time. What happened to the 'insufficient frequency range' they have kept saying? "Let there be English FM," said the president, and it took only one month for some spared frequency range to appear out of nowhere.
Community radio, for which a great amount of efforts and sacrifices have been made, is now in the crisis of abolition. In December last year, a research for frequency demand was carried out by Korea Communications Commission, and 29 communities spent their own time and money to find available frequency ranges and submitted the application. 6 months have passed since, but the result of the research has never been announced, and the regular project won't start without it. And now with the English FM being promoted, even less chance for getting frequency will be given to the community radio. The communities that have tried for several years to establish their radio station is now suspicious of the government's true intention. They are arbitrarily using the public asset of frequency for the one-sided promotion of English FM, and seriously violating the basic right of access and participation in the broadcast.
Lately, community radio activists have made 'the Council for Community Radio.' The Council demands that the government should stop the English FM project and start the regular project for community radio as soon as possible. For this purpose, they will fight the government in every available way, including a lawsuit against the English FM. They will also request the result of the frequency demand research, and claim for damages that was done to the communities. ---- from the Mediact Newsletter: CHAE-EUN PARK, staff of policy & research department, MEDIACT Trans. by JAE-HWAN OH

Community Radios, For Whom?

Korean Broadcasting Commission's Research of Demand before the Official Launching of Community Radios.
Community radios are now on the first stage in Korea. For the last 3 years, eight community radio stations have been running on pilot broadcasting. But the official launching has been postponed due to the delay of legal procedure and technological problems. KBC's original plan was to start official community radios in 2006 after one-year of pilot broadcasting in 2005.
KBC has recently announced that they would permit regular community radios in 2008. They started with holding several hearings and forums. However, KBC's approach written on "Policy on Community Radios" gives a lot of anxiety to radio groups. The most serious problem is about frequency bands. KBC's paper, "Research of demand for available frequency bands" sets a limit that if community radio groups cannot find a frequency band by themselves, they cannot apply for the business. It is a very difficult work for a small radio group to search and secure their frequency band in Korea where analogue frequency bands are very scarce. Media activists have demanded the solution of this problem for years, but KBC has ignored it. Now KBC tries to avoid responsibility and put the burden on the individual radio group.
The standard for selecting radio groups is also a problem. The main condition is, the groups have to secure enough financial resources and get support from local government. It is harsh for the nonprofit small-size local radios. If the standard gets accepted, lots of small radios will not be able to launch their services. Even if some radios can survive, most of them will fall to be broadcasters for promotion of rich groups and local governments.
The present community radio policy can be summarized into one phrase, "No Support, Regulations Only". KBC has announced that they will cut the fund they have provided for the pilot community radios, in spite of the fact that official financial support is necessary for the running of the nonprofit, public interest-based radios. Not only financial problem but also output limit is another urgent obstacle to jump over. KBC does not accept 10w output range while 10w is legally permitted. Jamming is their excuse. In this situation, solutions to strengthen community radios are urgent now that neo-liberalism has been threatening public interest of media.
Recently, communication radio groups have begun to organize actions to protest against KBC's policy, in solidarity with media activists. They issued a statement against KBC's research of demand and held an emergent forum to discuss how to resist KBC's plan. 2008 will be a significant year for the future of community radios in Korea. by CHAE-EUN PARK, staff of policy & research dept. in MEDIACT Trans. by Moon-a

Music in the Korean Workers' Movements

A new Korean documentary shows how Yeon Yeongseok, a popular Korean singer, uses his work in support of Korean workers.It is called To the Bitter End and shows the determination of the Korean workers and how Yeon's music is part of their struggle.His music is played at rallies and recordings are brought to sit-ins.
Labor activists in Korea have used video for decades. There have even been contracts negotiated which require that companies pay a video-activist (chosen by the union) to record working conditions and labor issues in a particular work site. The tapes are then played back in the lunch room of the factory. Korean documentaries are often very emotional, this one showing the pain and courage of the striking workers as they band together when the police try to disperse them.
A recent dispute within the union community concerned the rights of migrant laborers. Migrants are given three year visas. They are not allowed to bring their families into Korea. Their pay is low and their working conditions are harsh. Many work as much as twelve hours a day. Some of the traditional union members did not want to support these "irregular workers" but others felt that this would be siding with the "bosses".A tactic often used is sit-ins. This one at Koscom ended with an agreement to bargain in good faith, but further negotiations were stymied.The documentary is directed by Tae, Jun-seek, Produced by Lee, Sangyeop. Contact: docuzine@gmail.com

Korea's RTV Celebrates 5th Anniversary

RTV is the first public access channel in Korea. It is celebrating its fifth year of broadcasting.This project grew out of the work of Mediact, an impressive media center in the heart of Seoul.These sorts of flower towers are a Korean tradition. There was an entire row of them sent by corporations who do business with the channel.To celebrate the anniversary, there was a seminar on community media, with international guests: Catherine from Vive TV in Venezuela, Adilson Cabral from Brazil, Myung Joon Kim from Korea, Ellie Rennie from Australia, DeeDee Halleck from US, Supinya Kiangnarong from Thailand, Kate Coyer from Hungary and the US and Jon Stout from the US. This is a trio from the US, Brazil and Thailand. Supinya Kiangnarong has been struggling to get freedom of expression in Thailand.Myung Joon Kim, coordinator of Mediact, the Korean media center, explains the exhibit of five years of Mediact's work.

MEDIACT IN KOREA

From Mediact's Web Page:
The Media Center is part of the public cultural infrastructure, aimed at raising the nation's media literacy, which is necessary for the 21st century era of visual information. The Media Center has its own independent film theater, a 'cinematheque' where visitors can watch and talk about a variety of visual material. Equipped with a wide range of tools used in the digital media environment, the Media Center enables professionals and amateurs to produce their own visual material and to attend media education programs. The Media Center is also involved in the research, study, collection, management and preservation of existing media resources. In other words, it is a comprehensive media culture center.http://www.mediact.orgMigrant Workers Television has a regular slot on a public access cable channel and on satellite in Korea.