Tuesday, May 20, 2008

Letter from the Rancagua Prison, Chile

Elena Varela, filmmaker and director of the documentary Newen Mapuche sent a letter to cultural authorities and supporters of the film industry in Chile. Due to the events that have led to her arrest and to the fact that to this moment there is no public statement released by Elena, we find it adequate to circulate this letter to the national and international community:

CARCEL DE RANCAGUA, MAY 14, 2008.
To: Paulina Urrutia, Carolina Leiva, René Inostroza, Arturo Barrios, Leonardo Ordoñez (CORFO).
Consejo de la Cultura -CNCA (National Audiovisual Arts Council) and CORFO (Audiovisual Fund).
Dear Sirs,
I'm writing from this cold and sinister jail, where there are no trees, flowers, poetry, music or songs. A place where concrete and barbed wire have taken over. It's hard for me to begin to tell what is happening to me.

Years ago, since I began to realize that there were beautiful things in nature and created by man, I fell in love with music, poetry and film. But there are not just these lovely things in life. There is also injustice, there are sad histories in our humanity. There's a sector in Chile that has suffered and been punished, there's truth in other worlds, there are memories that are forgotten.

Over the last 10 years I fought for artistic education, to generate spaces of cultural engagement and expression. I founded the art school "Escuela de Todas Las Artes", the film collective "Cine Ojo Film", the children's orchestra "Orquesta Sinfónica de Niños de Panguipulli" and the media production company "Productora de Cine Ojo Film". I created many works and educated many children, youth and adults. I was the Education Coordinator in charge of culture in the town of Pucón and took on many other cultural projects.

In my work I've sought out the stories of social and political groups that have suffered violations of their human rights, or any other form of political, cultural or social process. My camera has seen all kinds of social actors and characters, some persecuted before, and some now.

Because I am a documentarian, a filmmaker and artist. Having been awarded funds from the Consejo de la Cultura [Arts Council of Chile, CNCA] and the Fondo Nacional Audiovisual [National Audiovisual Fund], in democracy, I believed that this would allow me to show other worlds, and that I really had this support. But here I am, persecuted, accused and arrested of charges I did not commit. What I've really done is research memory, which is the reason behind the struggle of many social groups, and I've carried this out with the assistance of many other professionals of the film world through CORFO and CNCA funds.

I have researched the conflict of the Mapuche people with the lumber companies and the state for four years, and it's been difficult; on one hand, I've exposed and opened myself to their thoughts and beliefs, to be able to narrate from their viewpoints and reasoning, which I believe I've comprehended. And on the other hand, there is the immense repression that has been thrown upon their social actors. In the midst of this, I've collected historic material and I've made a narrative film script to produce the film in question: "NEWEN MAPUCHE".

This project has had many steps in its development: first it was supported by CORFO in 2005. Today the film's trailer is posted on the CORFO website. I have faith in my artistic capacity so I also applied for funding from the Fondo Audiovisual, and was
backed by various accomplished professionals, documentary filmmakers and directors, so I know that garnering this support was achieved with great effort and perseverance, and love, of course.

However, now all my footage- an accumulation of stories, testimonies and histories taped throughout these years- has been seized by the Investigations Police, and is at risk of loss, exposing the many people I interviewed who have told me their stories and expressed their viewpoints, testimonies, or stories in these reels. All written material from the character and historical research in progress, all shoots and scripts, have also been confiscated by the Investigations Police, who have put on a media circus, offending my work and all filmmakers who have worked or continue to collaborate with me, accusing me of being a terrorist, an assailant, an ex-MIR militant, in addition to multiple other charges that I am facing. Because of all this, I have serious doubts as to the way and use that will be made of my historical narratives, since they are already being used against me to entangle me in a story that they have been unable to resolve.

My arrest has been sinister, just like those perpetrated by the CNI [secret police] in the dictatorship years; I've been interrogated, my family has been threatened, there has been a media montage demeaning my work as a documentary filmmaker.

My work attests to my talent and strong determination towards what I do. In addition, my technical team was also arrested in the darkest of manners, our production company occupied and searched, suffering damage and loss of many items. I have been isolated, without the right to read or see news among many other rights suppressed. Among the detainees, one of the women also happened to be a cultural worker, the Director of Culture of the town of Ercilla, whom I met in 2005 in an Arts Management Course offered by CNCA.

In addition, my other film, "Los Sueños Del Comandante", a documentary made with support from CORFO in 2006, which tells the story of the lumber company Complejo Maderero Panguipulli, the peasants worker's movement, the Death Caravan and the
revolutionary MIR guerilla of the eighties. All this work, all these taped interviews, have suffered the same fate; they have been seized by the Investigations Police of Chile.

All my audiovisual material, tapes, interviews, artwork- such as banners, posters and other items- as well as written material such as scripts, diaries, books, archival interviews of ex-political militants, Mapuche and others, including political prisoners and leaders have been siezed by the Investigations Police of Chile.

Dear Sirs, I appeal for your intervention in the task of safeguarding this filmic material and the memory comprised in these works, the safeguarding of their social actors and my freedom, because I find myself deprived of all rights and expression.
I also urge you to intervene for my rights as a filmmaker and artist, and to allow me to move forward with this film. I request the legal action Habeas corpus for those who participate in this project, including myself and my daughter América, who has also been threatened along with me on several occasions.

Along with this, I request the safeguarding of the filmic material, the return of all the reels, tapes, images, film and sound equipment that were seized, the art materials that have been misused to diminish this beautiful project and my work as a documentary filmmaker, such as toy guns, costumes, flags, banners, Mapuche jewelery, megaphones, cellular phones, still cameras, photographs, writings, scripts, research notes, resume information, invoices, receipts for all our materials and expenses, which have all been seized and are involved in this project.

In the name of artistic freedom and creative expression, I request my freedom. In the name of human dignity and everything achieved by artists striving for a more just society, I request my freedom and justice for what we have endured.

Sincerely, Elena Varela López
Documentary filmmaker. Company: Puelche Comunicaciones
Contact Email: puelche.comunicaciones@yahoo.es

Sunday, May 18, 2008

The Other Black Radio: Voices for Justice

The Other Black Radio: North Carolina Voices for Justice
by Bruce Dixon, Black Agenda Report
When, for the first time in decades, the FCC opened up a licensing window for new full-power FM community radio stations, mostly in rural areas around the country, the Pacifica Foundation, Prometheus Radio and several other outfits made a specific attempt to raise the number of African American owned and run community radio stations in the South. Out of their efforts, more than a hundred grassroots organizations, quite a few of them black, applied for new station licenses, especially in the South. This is not your daddy's black radio, or your momma's, or Radio One's discredited, conscienceless and commercial radio. This is the dawn of a new paradigm in black radio --- the other black radio.The Malcolm X Grassroots Movement Radio Barn Raising in Greenville, South Carolina
http://www.reclaimthemedia.org/media_justice/the_other_black_radio_north_ca%3D5886Shannon Young gives the background of black radio in North Carolina: "To learn more about the historical context for black radio in Monroe County, North Carolina, I *highly* recommend the book "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams & the Roots of Black Power" by Timothy B. Tyson, published by the University of North Carolina Press. It's an excellent read; one of those books that's hard to put down once you crack it open.

If you've never heard of Robert F. Williams (his remarkable life story is pretty much absent from history books), you can read an overview here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_F._Williams

"The "Radio Free Dixie" book references several Pacifica Radio interviews in its footnotes. I couldn't find anything by searching for "Robert F. Williams" online at pacificaradioarchives.org but a search for "Radio Free Dixie" produced a match for a 60 min reel recorded by Chris Koch in 1963. I'm not sure if the reel has been digitized.

"The Freedom Archives compiled an audio documentary on Robert F. Williams in collaboration with Mabel Williams, his widow and partner-in-struggle. The documentary is available for order here:
http://www.freedomarchives.org/RFW.html
"

Follow the links!
-Shannon

Tuesday, May 13, 2008

Television Comunitaria en Venezuela

La Jornada:

■ La idea surgió en 2002, ante el “cerco mediático de la tv comercial”

Popular barrio de Caracas será sede de televisora comunitaria
■ La zona es conocida por la violencia y el narcotráfico

■ La antena se ubica en el cerro La Bombilla, por lo que la cobertura será amplia

Afp

Caracas, 12 de mayo. La Bombilla está cerca del cielo, pero algunas noches parece estarlo más del infierno. Peligroso, pero estratégicamente situado, este alto cerro de la populosa barriada de Petare, en el este de Caracas, es sede de la televisión comunitaria que será vista por un millón de personas.

“La televisión venezolana ha estado dominada por la derecha y grupos económicos, e inundada de antivalores. El presentador de noticias es blanco y el ladrón es negro. No es la Venezuela que nosotros conocemos”, explica Charles Méndez, antropólogo, y uno de los fundadores de TV Petare.

Conocido por ser un foco de tráfico de drogas, de violencia y pobreza, Petare, donde viven más de 500 mil personas, esconde “algo más que malas noticias”, según las decenas de vecinos que trabajan desde hace seis años para sacar adelante esta televisión, una de las tres cadenas comunitarias existentes en Caracas.

“TV Petare por una comunicación libre y plural”, se lee en el cartel que da la bienvenida a la precaria sede de la cadena, en un local reconstruido por voluntarios.

Desde finales de abril, la cadena emite una señal de prueba y difunde programación propia los fines de semana. El objetivo es llegar a cinco horas diarias de transmisión en pocas semanas: desde emisiones musicales hasta espacios dedicados a las necesidades del barrio.

“TV Petare nos hace sentir importantes. Vemos que nos pertenece y la gente se involucra”, señala Reina Tovar, que a sus más de 50 años debutará con un programa de asistencia social.

Políticos, pero no politiqueros

Un sencillo estudio, con varios ordenadores de segunda mano y un dispositivo técnico enviado por el gobierno, compone la sede de la cadena. Visto desde el tejado, Petare se extiende como una desordenada masa de ladrillos rojos que avanza amenazante hacia las zonas más acomodadas de Caracas.

Según sus fundadores, la idea de TV Petare comenzó a incubarse tras el golpe de Estado contra el presidente Hugo Chávez, en abril de 2002, al ver el “vacío de información” y el “cerco mediático que ejercía la televisión comercial”.

“Los periodistas que trabajen aquí deben ser personas comprometidas con su país y con el proceso de cambio. Somos un proyecto político, pero no politiquero. Aquí se podrá criticar a nuestros dirigentes, pero siempre dentro de la ley”, asegura Méndez.

“Como la antena está en lo más alto del cerro, la señal llegará a media Caracas, pero eso nos obliga a usarla bien, porque habrá muchos que quieran aprovecharse de la cadena”, advierte Tovar.

Los fundadores de la televisión, que no cobran ningún salario, han recibido cursos y donaciones de instituciones públicas y realizan talleres para formar futuros periodistas.

Monday, May 5, 2008

UNESCO on Community Media


The role of community media
Even though many media outlets have made provisions for audience participation and have therein become more accessible to the people they serve, nowhere is accessibility and specificity of purpose so well defined as with community media. Currently radio is the most widespread form of community media in the developing world because it is cheap to produce and to access, can cover large areas, and overcomes illiteracy.

Community Media, Media with a mission
Community radio defines itself more by its mission than its size or location. It usually evokes a grassroots attitude and a bias toward the free flow of opinions and ideas. It seeks to educate and entertain, to inform and amuse, and to create a big tent under which its listeners can engage and challenge each other as well as their political leadership. These operations tend to be smaller, community based and managed, with a reliance on local support that may include advertising but more often is reflected in donations and volunteerism. Community media will often fill the void left by larger corporate media entities that operate under different imperatives that may not include the underrepresented or marginalized populations in a society.

While not always the case, women and young people will find a home for their issues and encouragement of their participation within the community media framework. The inclusion of women remains a challenging development issue because they are habitually excluded from the decision-making processes within their own societies, whilst being the first point of contact on many health and educational issues. Similarly, more attention should be given to the inclusion of youth within the media and to developing their media literacy skills.
Over the long-term, local media can create a coherent narrative of a region’s development and help people formulate goals and plans for how to improve their situation. The media can help contextualize national development programs within community frameworks and bring these goals closer to their intended beneficiaries. Effective local media can also help people understand the history and evolution of oppression or discrimination and give them the necessary perspective to make rational choices to emerge from it. With this information, people have the means to participate in democratic processes and shape their own futures locally and nationally.

Making every citizen a “reporter”
Professional journalists are the core of a reputable media environment. However, they are by no means the only ones actively chronicling the world around them. New technology is giving an unprecedented opportunity to citizens to inform others. . In crises, citizens reporting like journalists may be the only way for human rights abuses and other violations of a criminal or environmental nature to be brought to face broad public scrutiny. Citizen reporting may also be a way to work against censorship, following protests or political turmoil. If information becomes decentralized, censorship becomes less effective because it is no longer containable within the media outlets.

The practicalities of participation
New technologies are not only changing the media dynamic when it comes to content, but are also a significant factor in creating new ways for media to interact with its audience. Blogs, mobile phones and various other online devices are bringing the producers of content in closer contact with the consumers of it. Feedback can be instantaneous. For the first time in the history of the media industry, especially in the most well developed media markets, there is as much information coming in from consumers as is going out to them through traditional and new means of communication. Managing these ebbs and flows of information is becoming increasingly critical to the future of the media business. The bonds are being strengthened between these entities and with this deeper connection come heightened expectations that the users will be listened to. Encouraging participation is therefore key to the survival of media outlets in a competitive market place, while also providing an opportunity to engage with audiences. From an audience perspective, it means that it can influence the content in a very proactive way and it enables individuals to access a ready made platform through which they can share their opinions.

UNESCO WORLD PRESS FREEDOM DAY

Saturday, April 26, 2008

Attack on Argentine Activist

COMUNICADO URGENTE

From the Our Media List Serve:

En el día de la fecha, viernes 25 de abril, después de la actividad que lleváramos adelante en el centro de la ciudad a 17 años de la detención y muerte de Walter Bulacio, y tras haber tenido una entrevista en el Diario Clarín, en el camino de regreso a su casa, nuestra compañera María del Carmen Verdú fue atacada por dos individuos en moto, que alcanzaron a romper el vidrio de su auto, y se retiraron haciendo señas de pasarse la mano por el cuello a guisa de degüello.

Este grave hecho es parte de una sucesión de actos intimidatorios que se han venido sucediendo a lo largo de la última semana respecto de diferentes compañeros de nuestra organización, avanzando de las amenazas telefónicas a los hechos. Alertamos a los compañeros que luchan por los derechos del pueblo para que redoblen sus cuidados ante el aumento de estas cobardes acciones.

Responsabilizamos al gobierno nacional por el ataque hacia nuestra compañera, y le hacemos saber que su sostenido accionar es por demás inútil, ya que no evitará que sigamos denunciando la política represiva del estado.

Mesa de Dirección de CORREPI

CORREPI
Coordinadora contra la Represión Policial e Institucional
Ciudad de Buenos Aires • Argentina
correpi@fibertel.com.ar http://correpi.lahaine.org/

Sunday, April 20, 2008

Digital Connectors

This edit is made from Digital Connectors videos that were posted on youTube. Thanks to Polina, who did the edit.

Index to Waves Posts

SCHOOL NET IN NAMIBIA: How comic books are promoting open source free software.

CORK COMMUNITY TV GIVES VOICE TO THE VOICELESS The Irish "rising tide" isn't lifting all boats. This interview with Eddie Noonan and Emma Bowell shows how other voices are heard in Cork, Ireland.

CATIA TV IN VENEZUELA The slogan of Catia TV is Don't Just Watch TV, Make It! This interview with Ricardo Márquez is in Spanish.

THE MOBILE REVOLUTION IN AFRICA A report on a conference in Amsterdam about the use of mobile phones in Africa: hope or hype?

MUSIC IN KOREAN WORKERS MOVEMENTLabor activists in Korea have used video for decades. A recent documentary traces their use of music.

PRECIOUS PLACES OF PHILADELPHIA Scribe Video Center's Precious Places Community History Project reveals bypassed neighborhood sites as bright landmarks.

Friday, April 18, 2008

Memorial Mural for Sarah Peisch-Puerto Rican Activist

Sarah Peisch died on January 9, 2008. She had lived in Puerto Rico for 17 years and had become a dedicated leader of the community. RIMX and SON were the artists of the mural painted in her honor.

Thursday, April 17, 2008

Presidente de Paraguay contra radios comunitarias

Paraguay, 16 de abril de 2008
AMARC preocupada por acusaciones del Presidente de Paraguay contra radios comunitarias

La representación de Asociación Mundial de Radios Comunitarias en Paraguay (AMARC-Paraguay) y la Asociación Paraguaya de Comunicación Comunitaria (COMUNICA) han expresado su rechazo a las declaraciones del Presidente paraguayo Nicanor Duarte, que acusa a "radios comunitarias" del departamento de San Pedro de guardar explosivos como parte de una supuesta preparación de hechos de violencia a producirse en el marco de las elecciones nacionales del domingo 20 de abril.

En declaraciones a la prensa, Duarte afirmó que habría grupos "que están organizándose para desatar una ola de violencia inmediatamente después de consagrarse la victoria contundente del Partido Colorado el próximo domingo. (...) Tenemos la información de que estos grupos planean atacar estaciones de servicios y lugares públicos. También sabemos que en algunas radios comunitarias de San Pedro están ocultando elementos explosivos. Entonces los fiscales tienen que intervenir y realizar allanamientos”.

Hasta el día de ayer, el Fiscal General de la Nación no había recibido ninguna denuncia del presidente para iniciar investigaciones. AMARC-ALC observa con preocupación esta situación, por el temor a que estas acusaciones irresponsables puedan ser un pretexto para reprimir a radios comunitarias del Paraguay que son independientes del gobierno. Nicanor Duarte no ha señalado qué radios estarían involucradas ni ha mostrado pruebas de sus afirmaciones.

El gobierno también ha anunciado enviar efectivos militares al departamento de San Pedro para evitar hechos violentos. AMARC-ALC espera que estas declaraciones no sean una justificación para una intervención violenta en contra del movimiento campesino y radios comunitarias que expresan los reclamos de estas comunidades.

Las expresiones de Nicanor Duarte fueron realizadas en el marco de una campaña electoral muy tensa, con muchas posibilidades que el Partido Colorado pierda las elecciones después de 60 años en el poder.

En un comunicado de prensa firmado por COMUNICA y AMARC-Paraguay, ambas organizaciones responsabilizan al gobierno de Paraguay por cualquier pérdida humana y material que puedan ocurrir, y anuncia que las comunidades están en estado de alerta y dispuestas a defender sus emisoras.
...............................................
Por más información comunicarse con:
Victor Onieva
Representante AMARC-Paraguay
aveino@hotmail.com
Tel (+595 21) 443083 / 390785

Gustavo Gómez
Director Programa de Legislaciones y Derecho a la Comunicación
AMARC-ALC

Seminar on Peoples Voices, Peoples Participation and Community Radio


04 May, 2008
We would like to appreciate that the present non-political Care Taker Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh recently formulated Community Radio Installation, Broadcast and Operation Policy – 2008 and then asked for applications from interested initiators to install Community Radio in the country. In order to facilitate the application and registration process of the organizations for Community Radio, Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication (BNNRC) immediately opened a national help desk in its secretariat in Dhaka. As a result, BNNRC is receiving huge response from the interested development organizations for technical support in this regard.

To accelerate the Community Radio Policy 2008, we are going to organize a national seminar on Peoples Voices, Peoples Participation and Community Radio at 09:30 AM -5:00 PM on Sunday, 04 May, 2008 at UNB Auditorium (7th Floor), Cosmos Centre, 69/1, New Circular Road, Malibagh, Dhaka-1212.where resource persons from Singapore, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh will present their respective papers.

The seminar is jointly organized by Asian Media Information Communication Center(AMIC), United News of Bangladesh (UNB) and Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication (BNNRC).

Taking this opportunity, we would like to brief about Asian Media Information Communication Centre (AMIC). AMIC is a charity-registered organization established in 1971 with the support of the Government of Singapore and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) of Germany. It aims to spearhead the development of media and communication expertise in the Asia-Pacific to foster socio-economic progress in the region. Its mission is to nurture and promote Media and Communication research, capacity building, knowledge management and dialogue among academia, industry, government and civil society. www.amic.org.sg

For nearly two decades United News of Bangladesh (UNB) a private sector news agency, has recognized the supreme importance of quality and objectivity in reporting and disseminating information. UNB is recognized as the nation's most dependable and credible source of news and information, serving some 20 million readers, listeners and viewers in Bangladesh everyday. UNB's sophisticated communications system process the equivalent of a quarter million words a day gathered from its own network of correspondents and the dispatches from its international partners. www.cosmosgroup.net , www.unbnews.org

Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication (BNNRC) is a national networking body working for building a democratic society based on the principles of free flow of information, equitable and affordable access to Information & Communication Technology for Development (ICT4D) of remote and marginalized population. BNNRC now strives for core interventions to achieve Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS), World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) Action Plan and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). www.bnnrc.net

Distinguished policy–makers and representatives from Government, Media, Academia, NGOs, Practitioners and private sectors are expected to join the seminar.

Bazlu
--------------------
AHM Bazlur Rahman-S21BR
Chief Executive Officer
Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication & Member, Strategy Council
UN-Global Alliance for ICT and Development (UN GAID)
House: 13/1, Road:2, Shaymoli, Dhaka-1207
Post Box: 5095, Dhaka 1205 Bangladesh

Phone: 88-02-9130750, 88-02-9138501
01711881647 Fax: 88-02-9138501-105

E-mail: ceo@bnnrc.net, bnnrc@bd.drik.net,
www.bnnrc.net

Tuesday, April 15, 2008

Article about the Mexican Journalists Who Were Murdered

This is from NarcoNews:http://www.triquicopala.com/articulos.htm
Two Triqui Community Radio Reporters Assassinated
Lawlessness, Assassination and Impunity in Oaxaca By Nancy Davies
Commentary from Oaxaca April 11, 2008

The Triqui indigenous community of San Juan Copala, which declared autonomy on January 21, 2007, has suffered the bitter loss of two young women. Felicitas Martinez, age 20, and Teresa Bautista, age 24, were traveling in a rural part of Oaxaca state on route to the statewide meeting “For the Defense of the Rights of the Peoples of Oaxaca,” when gunmen opened fire on their vehicle late Monday. The gunfire killed the two women, and wounded three others in the vehicle, a man and wife and their three-year-old child, the Oaxaca attorney general’s office said in a statement.
Triqui Women in the Oaxaca Zocalo, photo by Nancy Davies.

The office said the assailants used high-powered assault rifles in what it described as an ambush. No arrests have been made. And to make a point: in Oaxaca, daily assassinations occur of organized crime members, narco-traffickers, wealthy people, business people, drug dealers, indigenous people, of police and military officials, plus local and international reporters. Arrests are never made. Crimes are never solved. The daily newspaper prints photos of corpses, newly discovered or recently excavated, and that’s that.

Despite repeated condemnations by human rights groups within the state, nationally and internationally, the government response is rhetorical. Instead, the state of Oaxaca is highly militarized. While I sit at my computer in the morning I hear the helicopters buzzing overhead, with armed troopers hanging out the doors – a bit of theater which serves only to intimidate. The most publicized clean-up attempt thus far has been to rotate military and police units in an effort to break their allegiances with organized crime.

The two assassinated women worked for a community radio station called “The Voice that Breaks the Silence” in San Juan Copala where activists in January of 2007 declared San Juan Copala an autonomous municipality in a challenge to state officials. This declaration included the local Triqui movement united for struggle, MULT, which had been corrupted by the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI, in its Spanish initials). The new Triqui municipality, through its organization called MULTI (the Independent United Triqui Movement for Struggle), called for union of all Triquis and implicitly rejected the PRI and government paramilitary, thus breaking their hegemonic control in the region.

The government of San Juan Copala employs the traditional indigenous practice of usos y costumbres with a council of elders and open decisions by the majority in assemblies. The autonomous community came about as an act of rebellion against caciques and their hired guns, said to be responsible for killing more than 60 Triquis in the Mixteco Baja, twelve of which deaths occurred in 2006 during the teachers popular movement.

The San Juan Copala municipality unified San Juan Copala, Yoxoyuzi, Santa Cruz Tilaza, Guadalupe Tilaza, Tierra Blanca, Paraje Pérez, El Carrizal, Sabana, Yerba Santa, San Miguel Copala, Yutazani, Unión de los Angeles, Río Metates, Río Lagarto, Cerro Pájaro and Cerro Cabeza, among others, for a total of about 15,000 indigenous people. The total Triqui population is about 24,000.

The work of Felícitas Martinez and Teresa Bautista, who broadcast on the frequency 94.9 FM, validated the autonomy of San Juan Copala, as does the creation of community radios all over the state. These local radio stations, whose efforts provide meaningful information, are frequently shot up or burned down. The two MULTI broadcasters were scheduled to participate in an indigenous statewide meeting entitled “Meeting for the Defense of the Peoples of Oaxaca” in a worktable dealing specifically with community radio. They left the radio station at 1:00 in the afternoon of April 7, 2008 to travel to Oaxaca.

Omar Esparza of the human rights group, Working Together Center for Community Support, described the assassinated women by saying that they “had gone out to report, to tape people. They were Indian reporters.”

On April 9 and 10, 2008, that indigenous statewide meeting took place in the Hotel Magisterio (the Teachers Union Hotel, site of many past meetings for the social movement in Oaxaca) “to strengthen our struggles and defend in an effective manner our rights, we convoke this state Meeting.” (website OaxacaLibre. com). The worktables discussed the following themes:

1. Community and alternative communication; community radio, video, press and internet.
2. Community defense of natural resources: land, water, biodiversity, air, woods, electricity and oil.
3. Repression of human and constitutional rights, freedom for political prisoners; cancellation of arrest orders and presentation alive of the disappeared.
4. Organization and social movement in Oaxaca, and construction of an alternative organization by the people and for the people.
The meeting participants devoted a moment of silence to the assassinated women. About 200 representatives of 43 indigenous organizations were present, including reporters, human rights groups, and community authorities from around Oaxaca. Also in attendance were national observers from Puebla, Veracruz, Mexico DF and Chiapas, as well as international observers from the Basque Country, Canada, the United States, Spain, France and Italy.

The speakers denounced the climate of repression, the militarization and constant violence in the state in violation of human rights. The community authorities of Yosotatu, a small Mixteca town, made public the campaign of repression against them, which has put several of their townspeople in jail and also caused the deaths of several land owners. The most recent is the assassination of Plácido Lopez Castro, whose killers have not been arrested. (What a surprise.)

The representatives of the community of Xanica denounced the imprisonment of three of their companions and the privatization of the River Copalita. The goal of the privatization is to provide water for the mega-tourist project, Bahías de Huatulco on the Pacific coast of Oaxaca. Further, several representatives of communities in the Isthmus de Tehuantepec denounced the taking of lands by the Spanish businesses constructing the wind electricity generators. The community spokespersons said that threats and deceit has been used and now more than 3,000 hectares have been occupied. Recently, 73 campesinos from the Ejido La Venta were accused by the Federal Electric Commission of the crime of defending their lands for common use.

The meeting proclaimed that this latest assassination, of the Triqui women, will not go unpunished, and there will be an exhaustive investigation on the part of the Special Commission for Crimes against Journalists by the federal attorney general’s office (PGR). At the same time the forum demanded that the government of Ulises Ruiz halt its campaign of hostilities against San Juan Copala. It called for the liberation of the political prisoners Pedro Castillo Aragon, Flavio Sosa, Miguel Angel Garcia, Adan Mejía, Victor Hugo Martinez Toledo, Miguel Juan Hilaria,Roberto Cardenas Rosas, Reynaldo Martinez Ramírez, Juliantino Martínez Garcia, and of those of Yosotatu, Guevea de Humbolt, Xanica, San Blas Atempa among others.

The seventeen Oaxaca indigenous groups participating, joined by two from Mexico, were: Municipal Authorities of San Pedro Yosutatu, Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala, Indian Organizations for the Oaxaca Human Rights (OIDHO), Union of indigenous Communities of the North Zone of the Isthmus (Ucizoni), Autonomous Magonista Collective (Cama), Center of Community Aid Working Together (Cactus), Magonista Zapatista Alliance (AMZ), Committee of Citizen Defense (Codeci), Committee for the Defense of Indigenous Rights of Santiago Xanica (Codedi-Xanica), Union of Indigenous Organizations of the Chinantla (Unorinchi) Council of Indigenous Organizations and Products of Oaxaca AC (COIPAC), Indigenous Zapatista Agrarian Movement (MAIZ), Front of the Peoples of the Isthmus in Defense of the Land, Network of Community Radios of the Southeast, Solidarity Group La Venta, Center of Studies of the Region Cuicateca Tepeuxila, Commonwealth of San Juan Jaltepec Yaveo, Mexican Alliance for Auto-determination of the People; from Mexico DF: Magonista Libertarian Alliance (Alma), University Assembly of the UAM-A.

In a separate show of the necessity to unify the indigenous populations against the lawlessness of Oaxaca, four municipalities of the Mixteco , Tezoatlán de Segura y Luna, of the district of Huajuapan; Santos Reyes Tepejillo; San Juan Mixtepec and San Martín Itunyoso, of the district of Santiago Juxtlahuaca, formally signed an agreement of “brotherhood,” to constitute a Front of Municipal Presidents. Their objective is to promote a regional project to benefit more than 150 indigenous communities of the region, declared Lorenzo Rojas Mendoza, from the municipality of Tepejillo.

A town councilor, Lorenzo Rojas Mendoza said that the inhabitants of the region have many “past unmet demands,” so the four municipalities decided to unify to further projects such as a hospital, schools, roads and highways.

Rojas Mendoza stated that their priority is the construction, broadening and paving of a road of approximately 30 kilometers to reach the head town of Tepejillo.

The march commemorating the anniversary of the death of Emiliano Zapata, with several goals, took place on April 10, repeating many of the demands and ideas of the Meeting for the Defense of the Peoples of Oaxaca. The march, a political event sponsored by the remaining Popular Revolutionary Front -APPO structure, and Section 22 of the National Education Workers Union (SNTE), demanded freedom for political prisoners, cancellation of arrest orders, and the handing over to Section 22 of about 80 schools still held by Section 59. Section 59 has been screwed, because despite being hired by government agents, those “teachers” never had a contract, and never were paid, except under the table with cash for relatives of members of the state education board, I was told by Section 59 members. They tried to emulate Section 22 tactics by maintaining an encampment in the zocalo of Oaxaca, but were advised to disperse prior to Semana Santa, the big Easter tourist week.

On the national level the Section 22 march protested “restructuring reforms” (the privatization of PEMEX, the Mexican national oil company), the Treaty for Free Commerce (TLC, or NAFTA), militarization, the doubled cost of fertilizers, and demanded the repeal of the law of ISSSTE which privatizes some social security benefits. A national work stoppage is planned.

According to APPO spokesperson Cesar Mateos Benitez, the APPO condemns the government for trying to link the APPO and the Committee of Women of Oaxaca (COMO, a group of women who took over the state television channel in 2006) with the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR), which constituted “the media assault of the week” in the mainstream Oaxaca press. Along with organized crime, the PRI wing uses false accusations to justify the militarization of the state, and to send in intelligence or spy agencies. In other words, the propaganda justifies whatever repression the government seeks, by linking the social movement to armed revolutionaries.

An encampment presently in the zocalo next to the cathedral with personnel from the Popular Revolutionary Front (FPR) demands the presentation of the state’s disappeared, including the indigenous Chatino man Lauro Juarez whose bones were presented, but not accepted as authentic. Las Noticias (an article by Pedro Matias) reported on April 8 that another Chatino indigenous man was gravely wounded on April 6 by the paramilitary run by the PRI operator Fredy Gil Pineda. Specifically, the attack was carried out by a paramilitary group of about 100 persons headed by Ponciano Torres Quintas. On March 30 they took over by force the government building of Santa Maria Temaxcaltepec, throwing out the actual president and illegally imposing as president this Ponciano Torres, who is protected by Fredy Gil Pineda. The paramilitary pack governs the region by violence, committing assassinations, arbitrary detentions, etc.

This includes the disappearances of indigenous persons, one by one, a genocide trickle.

To my eye, it looks very much like that with the failure of Oaxaca state as a governable unit, the mini civil war that now prevails resembles a turf-battle of human wolves, to control territory and money. This means not only incoming federal monies and drug money, but even more, new wealth to be extracted from geographical territory rich in natural resources. Indigenous people remain, to the extent they have not been driven to emigrate, as an obstacle to the exploitation of minerals, wind, water, woods, petroleum, shoddy road and school construction, and glittering beach-front resorts, in a grand sell-off to international companies.

Four US documentary filmmakers Arrested in Niger Delta

Sandy Cioffi in Seattle
Four documentary filmmakers from the US and a Nigerian citizen have been arrested by the Nigerian military in the Niger Delta. The Seattle-based crew has been detained since Saturday. The film crew was finishing work on the documentary Sweet Crude. Arrested were director Sandy Cioffi and crew members Tammi Sims, Cliff Worsham and Sean Porter, as well as Joel Bisina, founder of the Niger Delta Professionals for Development. Sandy Cioffi appeared on Democracy Now! in 2006 to discuss the situation in the Niger Delta and the role women played in protesting multinational oil corporations.

Sandy Cioffi: “And those women were demanding fairly basic things, like jobs, some remediation of the environment, water, electricity, healthcare, basic infrastructure that you would expect, that if you have $38 billion annually of revenue going to your government, that you would have, and they have none of those things. In fact, they have quite the opposite. They have their livelihood taken away from them.”

The Committee to Protect Journalists has called on Nigeria to immediately release Sandy Cioffi and the four other members of her crew and to end what it described as a pattern of censorship of the conflict over oil in the region.

http://www.democracynow.org/2008/4/15/headlines

Sunday, April 13, 2008

Media, Politics and Creation by Citizens


PARTICIPACIÓN CIUDADANA Y ACCESO A LA INFORMACIÓN
Luis Ramiro Beltrán S.
SEMINARIO SOBRE MEDIOS, POLÍTICA Y CREACIÓN DE CIUDADANÍA
==========================================
Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto
de la República Argentina y Radio Nederland de Holanda
Infortunadamente, la democracia tradicionalmente concebida como el gobierno del pueblo, por el pueblo y para el pueblo – entendido éste como la gran mayoría de los integrantes de la sociedad – es en Latinoamérica un ideal todavía lejano en el horizonte. Lo que realmente prevalece en ella, en distintos grados y formas, es el gobierno de la minoría, por la minoría y para la minoría. Es decir, la sociedad existe bajo el dominio de la oligarquía que en todo sentido favorece a los menos en desmedro de los más y lo que impera en la práctica es una “partidocracia” al servicio de ella. Ello ocurre primordialmente porque, salvo muy pocas y relativas excepciones, la tradicional democracia representativa de corte sólo parlamentario no ha sido capaz de corregir la gruesa inequidad estructural que caracteriza la distribución entre los ciudadanos de la autoridad, los recursos y las oportunidades en lo económico, político, social y cultural. De ahí que en la actualidad haya quienes aspiren a forjar más bien la democracia participativa como instrumento clave para alcanzar aquel viejo ideal. Lo que se plantea es que el pueblo tome parte amplia y efectivamente de las decisiones para la conformación y la conducción del Estado al servicio de los más. Sólo así podría él dejar de ser empobrecido, damnificado, excluido y silenciado. Y recién entonces podría haber verdadera y plena democracia.
La participación popular es, por tanto, el proceso de intervención legítima y pacífica tanto como genuina, activa y permanente de todos los ciudadanos de un país en la planificación, la gestión, la fiscalización y la evaluación de las actividades estatales mediante el empoderamiento de ellos y su cooperación con los gobiernos no subalternizada a éstos. Ello en uso plenario de su derecho soberano a ejercer protagónicamente el poder que no debe permanecer monopolizado por élites explotadoras, opresivas y, a menudo, autoritarias y corruptas.
¿Es posible lograr una transformación justiciera tan profunda sin apelar a la fuerza por insurgencia revolucionaria? Hay algunas evidencias de que lo es en efecto. Me limitaré a dar brevemente un ejemplo que corresponde a mi país, Bolivia.
Hasta 1983 la administración pública boliviana estaba sumamente centralizada para mantener las riendas del poder en manos del gobierno nacional. El gobierno local al nivel municipal era, especialmente en el ámbito rural, de muy baja escala e ínfimo poderío. El Ministerio de Gobierno nombraba a los alcaldes y les proporcionaba sólo mínimos recursos financieros y los ciudadanos no tenían participación alguna en la gestión edilicia. De los ingresos nacionales el 39% de la población recibía el 92% y el 61% restante sólo el 8%. En 1984 comenzó el proceso de fortalecimiento pro autonómico del gobierno local al aprobarse una nueva Ley Orgánica de Municipalidades que dispuso la elección de los alcaldes por el voto ciudadano y asignó a los municipios algo de fondos si bien con disponibilidad aun centralizada en las capitales departamentales. Posteriormente se produjo otro avance importante cuando el período de gestión de los alcaldes fue ampliado de un año a cinco.
El impulso mayor y decisivo a aquel proceso democratizador se registró en 1994 al promulgarse la Ley de Participación Popular. En virtud de ella se produjeron varios cambios sustanciales. Se amplió la jurisdicción edilicia a todo el territorio nacional pasando de 24 municipios urbanos a un total inicial de 316, en su gran mayoría rurales. Se asignaron a ellos el 20% de las recaudaciones nacionales por impuestos y el 100% de las municipales. Estos ingresos han venido aumentando considerable y sostenidamente desde 1994 hasta 2007. Y el porcentaje de la inversión pública a cargo de las municipalidades llegaría a subir del 3% al 30%. Se dio reconocimiento de personalidad jurídica a algo más de 20.000 “organizaciones territoriales de base”: comunidades indígenas, agrupaciones campesinas y juntas vecinales. Se consagró en favor de ellas el derecho a participar plenamente en la planificación, la ejecución, la fiscalización y la evaluación de las autónomas actividades municipales en pro del desarrollo físico y social, principalmente por medio de Concejos Municipales y de Comités de Vigilancia. En 1995 se promulgó la Ley de Descentralización Administrativa. Algún tiempo después iría a constituirse una poderosa Federación de Asociaciones Municipales. O sea, se dio poder real al pueblo al conferirle autoridad política con capacidad financiera y autonomía administrativa. Y así, en suma, se logró hacer, con la ley en la mano y sin recurrir a la violencia, una radical e irreversible revolución en democracia. “Enfrentamos, pues, hoy – señala el destacado comunicólogo paraguayo Juan Díaz Bordenave – la novedad histórica de que la Sociedad Civil se vuelve cogestora, con el gobierno, de las políticas sociales; es decir, que asume con el Estado la gestión de los diferentes intereses de la sociedad.”
¿Qué papel está la comunicación llamada a jugar en procesos como ese? Por una parte, el papel de activador de la reflexión y facilitador de la expresión de los ciudadanos y, por otra parte, el papel de propiciador de la apertura de los funcionarios para que aprendan a escuchar la voz del pueblo, le brinden información adecuadamente y, lejos de tratar de imponerle conductas, se empeñen en arribar a consensos en la toma de decisiones para la acción cooperativa. La comunicación tiene que ser, por tanto, el nexo instrumental para forjar entre pueblo y gobierno la mutua comprensión, así como el detonante del acuerdo de coordinación para la gestión conjunta del desarrollo democrático.
La comunicación es, pues, el factor indispensable y crucial para el logro de ese desarrollo a condición de que ella misma sea democrática. Desafortunadamente, la que aun se practica con prevalencia en el mundo no lo es porque corresponde a una concepción teórica de transmisión unidireccional, monológica y vertical del potente y activo emisor empeñado en persuadir al impotente y pasivo receptor. En franco contraste con ello, en general la comunicación puede ser concebida como el proceso de interacción social democrática que se basa sobre el intercambio de símbolos por los cuales los seres humanos comparten voluntariamente sus experiencias bajo condiciones de acceso libre e igualitario, diálogo y participación. Esto con diversos propósitos, entre los cuales la persuasión no es el primordial ni, mucho menos, el único. Vista así, la comunicación es bidireccional, dialógica y horizontal.
El acceso es el ejercicio efectivo del derecho a recibir mensajes. El diálogo es el ejercicio efectivo del derecho a recibir y al mismo tiempo a emitir mensajes. La participación es el ejercicio efectivo del derecho a emitir mensajes. El acceso es la precondición para la comunicación horizontal puesto que sin oportunidades similares para todas las personas de recibir mensajes no puede, para comenzar, haber interacción social democrática. El diálogo – la conversación igualitaria – es el eje de la comunicación horizontal porque evita la monopolización de la palabra. La participación es la culminación de la comunicación horizontal ya que brinda a todas las personas oportunidades comparables de emitir mensajes, sin las cuales el proceso permanecería gobernado por la minoría que acapara el poder. Los tres elementos del proceso se hallan tan estrechamente interrelacionados que éste no podría darse en ausencia de ninguno de ellos.
La práctica de la comunicación democrática se inició precursoramente en América Latina hace sesenta años y lo hizo valiéndose primordialmente de la radio, el medio de mayor accesibilidad al pueblo raso. Comenzó simultáneamente en el último tercio de la década de 1940 en dos de los países andinos. En Bolivia trabajadores mineros sindicalizados aportaron cuotas de sus míseros salarios para establecer pequeñas emisoras autogestionarias y ampliamente participativas mediante la estrategia del “micrófono abierto” a todos los ciudadanos. Para fines de las década de 1950 habían llegado a conformar una red de 33 estaciones, varias de las cuales sufrirían después represión gubernamental. En Colombia, un sacerdote católico fundó en el villorrio rural de Sutatenza una modesta emisora que, sin embargo, basada en la estrategia de “escuela radiofónica” iría a dar origen a Acción Cultural Popular (ACPO), una red nacional de ocho potentes emisoras apuntaladas por dos institutos de capacitación de líderes campesinos, un centro de producción de materiales de enseñanza y un periódico rural. ACPO inspiró, además, la creación de la dinámica y hoy vigente aun Asociación Latinoamericana de Educación Radiofónica (ALER).
Más tarde, México, Guatemala, Nicaragua y República Dominicana, así como Perú y Ecuador – con sus “cabinas radiofónicas” – sobresalieron entre los países que también apelaron a la radio para hacer comunicación popular y educativa comprometida con el cambio social. México y El Salvador se distinguieron en hacer lo mismo por televisión, Bolivia forjó un “cine junto al pueblo” y surgió en Uruguay la estrategia de “casete foro rural” a la par que en Perú se construía en la Villa El Salvador, populosa barriada de Lima, una singular experiencia comunitaria de comunicación por múltiples medios y nacía en Brasil, en desafío a las dictaduras militares, la prensa “nanica”. Por último, en los quince años recientes, desde México hasta Chile y Argentina, se ha desarrollado vigorosamente con millares de emisoras el movimiento de las radios comunitarias que es a menudo reprimido con dureza por organismos gubernamentales. Y a lo largo de muchos años Radio Nederland ha brindado eficaz apoyo a esa insurgencia democratizante de la comunicación.
También en el campo de la teorización sobre la comunicación democrática Latinoamérica ha sido pionera. A fines de la década de 1960 el pedagogo brasileño Paulo Freire criticó, desde su exilio en Chile, al modelo clásico de comunicación por vía de la “extensión agrícola”. El ciudadano estadounidense Frank Gerace, residente en Bolivia y exiliado al Perú en 1973, dio el paso inicial para trasponer adaptativamente el pensamiento de Freire de la educación libertaria a la comunicación horizontal. Y luego entraron en escena con creativas proposiciones los comunicólogos Juan Díaz Bordenave, de Paraguay, Joao Bosco Pinto, de Brasil, María Cristina Matta, de Argentina, y Francisco Gutiérrez, español de larga residencia en Latinoamérica. Entre otros que se sumaron al empeño se destacaron el uruguayo Mario Kaplún, los argentinos Daniel Prieto y Máximo Simpson, el peruano Rafael Roncagliolo y el chileno Fernando Reyes Matta. De los lineamientos de ese movimiento intelectual rebelde derivé esta percepción sumatoria: “La comunicación alternativa para el desarrollo democrático es la expansión y el equilibro en el acceso de la gente al proceso de comunicación y en su participación en el mismo empleando los medios – masivos, interpersonales y mixtos – para asegurar, además del avance tecnológico y del bienestar material, la justicia social, la libertad para todos y el gobierno de la mayoría.”
Reitero ahora aquí esa convicción y hago votos porque los jóvenes colegas de hoy recuperen las banderas de la lucha por la utopía justiciera justamente cuando la Sociedad de la Información ha traído consigo un abrumador aumento en el imperio de la dependencia externa y la dominación interna en la mayor parte de nuestra región.

Luis Ramiro Beltran
Nacido en Oruro (Bolivia) en 1930, estudió en el Colegio Alemán de su ciudad y, más tarde en La Paz, donde obtuvo el título de Bachillerato en Humanidades en 1948. A comienzos de los 50 estudió técnicas de comunicación en cine y televisión en Puerto Rico y, con posterioridad, amplió su formación en Estados Unidos.

Beltrán participó como teórico en el proceso de reflexión que condujo a la definición del llamado Nuevo Orden Mundial de la Información y la Comunicación (NOMIC) de la UNESCO, impulsado por el movimiento de países no alineados en el seno de la organización, y frenado por la acción de los Estados Unidos y de organizaciones empresariales como la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, que condenaban las primeras propuestas de una globalización equilibrada en el mundo de la cultura y la información como intentos estatalizadores de control y restauración de mecanismos de censura, al tiempo que entronizaron un concepto de la libertad de expresión próximo al de la libertad de empresa y de mercado.

Thursday, April 10, 2008

Community Media in the Prosumer Era

http://www.cbonline.org.au/3cmedia/3c_issue3/BarryERennie.pdf

This is an interesting theoretical piece by Ellie Rennie, who was one of the presenters at the Community Media Summit in
Korea last fall.

Community Radio Producers Murdered in Mexico

April 7th, 2008. Oaxaca, Mexico.
Two indigenous triqui women who worked at the community radio station La Voz que Rompe el Silencio (The Voice that Breaks the Silence), in the autonomous municipality of San Juan Copala (Mixteca region), were shot and murdered while on their way to Oaxaca city to participate in the State Forum for the Defense of the Rights of the Peoples of Oaxaca. Three other people were injured.

According to the State Attorney General, the victims are Teresa Bautista Merino (24 years old) and Felícitas Martínez Sánchez (20 years old). Francisco Vásquez Martínez (30 years old), his wife Cristina Martínez Flores (22 years old), and their son Jaciel Vásquez Martínez (three years old) were also injured in the attack.

According to prelimary reports, the women had left the station, which is part of the Network of Indigenous Community Radio Stations of the Southeast (Red de Radios Comunitarias Indígenas del Sureste), around 1:00 PM. They were travelling in a truck on their way to Oaxaca city, but were ambushed on the outskirts of the community Llano Juarez.

The two community radio activists were supposed to coordinate the working group for Community and Alternative Communication: Community Radio, Video, Press, and Internet, at the State Forum for the Defense of the Rights of the People of Oaxaca, which was to begin the today (Wednesday) in the auditorium of Seccion 22 of the teachers union in Oaxaca. The Center for Community Support Working Together (CACTUS as the spanish acronym) released a communique denouncing the murders and demanding that the state authorities investigate and punish those responsible for the crime.

The state attorney general said that 20 bullet shells, caliber 7.62, were found at the site of the murders, along with other arms including an AK-47. People are encouraged to contact their local embassies and consulates (or to organize demonstrations at their local embassies and consulates) to express their condemnation of this paramilitary repression of indigenous women and community media projects.A feature film about the struggle for community radio in Southern Mexico is Un Poquito de Tanto Verdad (A Little Bit of So Much Truth)
by Jill Freidberg and Mal de Ojo.


RED DE SOLIDARIDAD
INTERNACIONAL DE AMARC
ACCION URGENTE
..............................

México, 9 de abril de 2008
AMARC, Art19 y RSF condenan asesinato de dos periodistas comunitarias en México

La Asociación Mundial de Radios Comunitarias de México, Artículo 19 y Reporteros sin Fronteras condenamos el asesinato de dos periodistas comunitarias y exigimos:

1. El esclarecimiento de los hechos ocurridos el día 8 de abril del presente año en la carretera que conduce a San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, que resultaron en el asesinato de Teresa Bautista Merino y Felicitas Martínez Sánchez, periodistas comunitarias de la emisora “La Voz que Rompe el Silencio”.

2. La sanción de los responsables intelectuales y materiales que quitaron la vida a estas periodistas.

3. Garantizar la vida e integridad de los sobrevivientes Faustino Vázquez Martínez, Cristina Martínez Flores y sus dos hijos menores, quienes son testigos clave de los hechos, así la vida e integridad de los demás integrantes de la emisora comunitaria.

4. El cese del clima de impunidad que permite la continuidad de las agresiones, desapariciones y asesinatos en contra de medios comunitarios, así como en contra de periodistas y medios de comunicación en general, lo que hace que México sea el país mas peligroso para el ejercicio periodístico en el continente [ver: http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=24030]].

.............................................
World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC)
International Solidarity Network
Urgent Action Alert
..............................

Mexico, April 9th, 2008

The World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters, Article 19, and Reporters Without Borders condemn the murder of two community journalists in Mexico, and we demand:

Clarification of the events that occurred on April 8th of this year, on the highway to San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, where community journalists Teresa Bautista Merino y Felicitas Martínez Sánchez, were murdered. Both journalists worked with the radio station "The Voice That Breaks the Silence" (La Voz Que Rompe El Silencio).

Punishment of all those responsible for the murder of these journalists.

The guaranteed safety of the surviving victims, Faustino Vázquez Martínez, Cristina Martínez Flores and her two sons, who witnessed the events, as well as the guaranteed safety of everyone else working at the community radio station.

An end to the impunity that allows the ongoing repression, disappearances, and murders of journalists and mediamakers in general, and which makes Mexico the most dangerous country for journalists, in the Americas.

.............................................

Recommended Action:

Send emails or faxes, or make phone calls demanding the immediate investigation of the murders, punishment of those responsible, and guaranteed safety for the witnesses and their children.

Enviar notas para exigir el rápido esclarecimiento de los hechos, la sanción de los responsables y dar garantías de seguridad para los testigos y sus hijos.

Felipe Calderón Hinojosa
felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx
(55) 5093- 5300 / Fax: 5093-4901

Juan Camilo Mouriño Terrazo
jcmourino@segob.gob.mx
(55) 5093-3400

Eduardo Medina Mora Icaza
yess@pgr.gob.mx
(55) 5346 0114 / (55) 5346 0115 / Fax: 5346 0908

Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
gobernador@oaxaca.gob.mx
(951) 502 05 30 / Fax: (951) 502 05 31

José Luis Soberanes
correo@cndh.org.mx
1719-2000 Exts 8293 y 8280

C. Octavio Alberto Orellana Wiarco
Fiscal Especial para la Atención de Delitos Cometidos contra Periodistas
Fax 53 46 43 70

Gustavo Gómez
Director Programa de Legislaciones y Derecho a la Comunicación
AMARC-ALC

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